Saturday, 25 May 2013


The closure of media houses this week may be the worst event of the year 2013.  Uganda is in bad shape financially, it can least afford to make blunders like the closure of businesses like the Monitor Publications.  A few years ago, The Monitor was doing badly, there was need for an investor, an opportunity arose and Aga Khan was willing to add it to his empire.  Shortly after that, Uganda was shopping for a partner to see Bujagali dam a reality; again Aga Khan was at hand and the dam has been commissioned.  It is absurd that Uganda Government can make decisions with so much short-sightedness as has been the case of the closure of the media firms.  These are decisions our leaders make which partly lead to the under-development we see around.  Given what Aga Khan has sunk into Uganda, an investor must really have a very big hear to risk his/her money into the country.

The Muhoozi Presidential Project is not news.  It was bound to explode.  The Museveni empire in 1986 is nothing compared to what he must be owning now; however, why think that the best way to safeguard it is through having a son to take up the leadership?  Many Ugandans have been marginalized since the 1986 take over; one region has been seen to be a major beneficiary since not only in scholarships but also in Government jobs and opportunities.  It is short sightedness that anybody can assume that this state of affairs is sustainable through the family imposing its members to the leadership of the country.  

The best our leaders should do is to have investments anywhere around the world, have their children and relatives manage them, but it is so risky assuming that a project like the alleged Muhoozi to President will sail smoothly without doing a lot of damage to the would be country's development.

As regards the Sejusa letter, it is wrong to blame the Monitor.  This is not the 1st letter that the publication has published by the same author.  What is important is to address the issues.  It is not news that common sense points to the possibility of wishing to eliminate those that may not be in-favour of such a project.  This is all happening simply because President Museveni has let down the people of Uganda.  He was supposed to be out of office in 2006, he is a likely candidate for 2016 as there is no sign of his wishing to leave.  Ugandans should blame President Museveni for the developments, and hence investors should be no victims of his wrong scheme (s) as seen by those who see them in offing.

William Kituuka Kiwanuka    

The Monitor Publications Limited remains closed after a meeting with police fails to resolve issues arising from the General David Sejusa letter. Monitor director Jimmy Serugo says paper was unable to accept to hand over the letter to police.

About Daily Monitor/Monitor Publications Ltd
Daily Monitor was established as an independent daily newspaper, The Monitor, and relaunched as Daily Monitor in June 2005.
Daily Monitor is a subsidiary of Monitor Publications Ltd, which is owned by The Nation Media Group and five other individual shareholders. The paper’s private ownership guarantees the independence of its editors and journalists, free from the influence of Government, shareholders or any political allegiance.
Monitor Publications product portfolio includes:
1. The Daily Monitor Newspaper
2. 93.3 K FM
3. Monitor Business Directory.
4. Enyanda
5. Daily Monitor E-paper (Electronic Edition)

The Monitor is the only Ugandan newspaper that reports on news stories unhindered and conducts serious investigative reporting in the public interest.
We consistently break stories and set the news agenda.
The culture of freedom is reflected throughout the newspaper, ensuring an open-minded and innovative approach to every aspect of publishing activity.
The Monitor is keen on striking a balance between information, education and entertainment, as evidenced by its various products throughout the week.


 Friday, 15 February 2013 13:09  By Haggai Matsiko

How he controls the UPDF

In August last year President Yoweri Museveni, in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief (CIC) of the armed forces, promoted his son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba from Colonel to Brigadier.  It was the second promotion for Muhoozi who had been promoted from Lieutenant Colonel to Colonel in September 2011. Unlike in the past, the August 2012 promotion of Muhoozi did not raise a lot of questions. It showed that the public were getting used to the First Son as a top army officer.

Muhoozi had just finished his National Defence Collage course and, even among the most observant, an announcement that followed Muhoozi’s elevation to Brigadier passed almost unnoticed; apart from becoming a Brigadier, Muhoozi was also named the Commander of a newly created Special Forces Command.

To those not initiated, such military detail is often missed. Muhoozi had been commander of the Special Forces Group, a small unit. The new Special Forces Group, was a totally different creature that had swallowed the Group and produced two strands; the Special Forces One (VIP Protection) and Special Forces Two (Motorised Infantry).

In a recent interview, Col. Felix Kulaigye, the UPDF spokesperson told The Independent that Muhoozi’s Special Forces is now effectively the third Service of the UPDF. This means that Muhoozi is at the same level of command in the army with the Commander of the Land Forces, Gen. Katumba Wamala, and the Commander of the Airforce, Brig. Sam Turyagyenda.

The UPDF structure now has three Services or arms; the Land Forces, which traditionally is the main force and the Air Force. While one would expect the Reserve Force under Maj. Gen Levi Karuhanga that has many experienced officers to be the third, it is not a service. Effectively, Muhoozi is now more powerful than Karuhanga.

“Yes, of course at the level of commanding, they (Katumba and Muhoozi) are equal,” Col. Kulaigye told The Independent.

In comparison to Land Forces, in size, strength and equipment, the Special Forces is not close to what structurally comprises of a service.

The SFC, a force of several thousand soldiers, metamorphosed from recruits of cadets recruited by Muhoozi himself into the Presidential Guard Brigade PGB and later Special Forces.

Muhoozi’s command

Essentially, although Special Forces is a small force, it has been structured and positioned to take control of the main government facilities—reinforcing a view that it is now the heart of the UPDF.

This means that although Wamala controls the bigger force, their role is mainly on the battle front with most of them tucked away in barracks. However, Muhoozi’s force is in charge of the capital Kampala, all the critical government installations; parliament, Entebbe airport, ports and the protection of strategic resources like oil in the Albertine region. It also gets special assignments—some of his soldiers were deployed in war ravaged Somalia.

Apart from the specialised training, Special Forces has been boosted with several specialised units; counterintelligence, artillery and motorised infantry traits that show how it is being chiseled and positioned for every top notch mission.

In the words of the forces spokesperson, Special Forces is designed to come in and deal with unique missions.

After the 2010 Kampala bomb blasts, Muhoozi with a pistol at his hip and an army of his Special Forces combed the blast scenes for evidence. In another incident, when police boss, Lt Gen. Kale Kayihura got a tip that officials in the Ministry of Public Service had stolen Shs 500 billion (US$ 200 million), on October 29, 2012, he held a meeting with Muhoozi to discuss what he thought could have been a threat to national security. That Kayihura chose Muhoozi over other senior commanders including the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), Gen. Aronda Nyakairima, to discuss what he thought a grave threat to national security is telling enough.

Muhoozi has now matured. At the rank of Brigadier, he is just one rank away from joining the generals of UPDF.

Coming of age

Muhoozi, 38, joined the army after completing his political science degree at Nottingham University, UK as Officer Cadet. He soon attended the prestigious Royal Military College Sandhurst in the United Kingdom where he graduated in 2000 and was promoted to Second Lieutenant. A year later, he became Major heading PGB. In 2008, he became a Lieutenant Colonel commanding the SFG after graduating from US’s Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth. His role in the army first hit headlines 12 years ago.

On November 17, 2000, President Yoweri Museveni was at State House Nakasero chairing a meeting of top army Generals, when he called in Muhoozi, then a 2nd Lieutenant to present a paper on military deployments and other recommendations.

The Generals had hoped to discuss their own report about the problems the army was facing and possible solutions. Instead Museveni, who appeared to have already read his son’s report, was directing them, especially then-Army Commander Gen. Jeje Odongo, to implement Muhoozi’s report.

Museveni also reportedly told the meeting that he had trained over 500 cadets to take control of the UPDF. As the other Generals looked on, Museveni’s younger brother, Gen. Caleb Akandwanaho aka Salim Saleh, asked what they were to do with the other senior officers already in the UPDF.

President Museveni allegedly told Gen. Saleh and all the other generals to do with those others in the UPDF as they wished.

Army sources say that is how what is now the Special Forces became the breeding ground for the army leadership. And Muhoozi who had recruited cadets—albeit controversially—which were part of this group and since taken big positions in different services in the army would also grow into their leader.

Muhoozi had made these recruitments in 1997 mainly from Makerere University and trained at Kasenyi Landing site.

Then, President Museveni and Mbabazi then a Defence Minister dubbed the recruits Local Defence Unit (LDU) officers to skirt public criticism—then Members of Parliament like Norbert Mao, who was represending Gulu municipality, had stirred a storm accusing Muhoozi of recruiting for the army illegally since he was not a soldier himself.

Since the November 2000 meeting at State House Nakasero, in which Brig. Muhoozi, made his first pitch before UPDF top Generals, President Museveni has ensured that he gets the right command credentials.

A top army officer who has served for over 20 years told The Independent but on conditions of anonymity that Brig. Muhoozi, the Commander of the elite Special Forces wields more power than most of the senior officers and that together with a select group of officers, some of which he recruited himself in 1997 are being touted to lead the force.

“Yes, he is being groomed to lead the force, he has undertaken many top military courses except one,” the source said adding, “Muhoozi might be a Brigadier but in terms of influence and control, he is on top there. The same applies to Kayihura, although in police, he is also very influential in the army.”

Unhappy generals

While other officers might meet a few huddles here and there, The Independent has learnt, Muhoozi’s assignments are always implemented thus claims that he controls the core of UPDF.

Kizza Besigye, the former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) President, who was a Colonel before he resigned from the army officially reinforced this claim in a local media in an interview. He said that the Generals were fighting within the UPDF because they were being marginalised and frustrated that the main Force of the UPDF, was controlled by Muhoozi under the Special Forces.

But Army spokesman, Felix Kulaigye dismissed Besigye’s claim saying that the former FDC’s cannot comment intellectually about the issue because he was blinded by the political fog.

No doubt, army sources say, Muhoozi’s clout in the UPDF cannot be ranked below that of the other top officials including the CDF.

“The CDF is of course influential but when you talk about calling shots, Muhoozi is in the same league,” a source in The UPDF told The Independent.

The Officer told The Independent that while seniority is one thing, being entrusted with authority by the President—who is the CIC — through special assignments is what puts Muhoozi and his ilk in control.

When it comes to special assignments, Muhoozi, some officials who are in SFC or whose breeding ground is SFC and other officials like Kayihura, are top priority. Indeed, The Independent understands that Kayihura and Muhoozi, have worked on a few missions together.

Several young officers in the ranks of Colonel and Major and other top ranks were bred from Special Forces. Others are; Capt. Napoleon Namanya, who heads Museveni’s top notch security, Maj Stuart Agaba, a former Aide to the President, Col Sabiiti Magyenyi, Maj Charity Bainababo, Lt Col Dan Kakono, Maj. Don Nabasa, Capt. Allan Matsiko, Counterintelligence, SFG and Capt. Michael Kanyamunyu, Special Investigations Bureau, among others.

Entrusting authority with Muhoozi’s ilk and other officers that are not necessarily senior but that have attributes dear to President Museveni has left the senior officers like Gen. David Tinyefuza, the Coordinator of Security Services, frustrated with several seeking or contemplating resignation.

While some of the officers are unhappy because they can no longer steer things, others disagree with how some of these young Turks are doing things.  For instance, sources say, many unhappy were that Museveni had put people like Brig.Moses Rwakitarate, the former Air Force chief of staff in high positions and they messed up things. Museveni fired Rwakitarate, following the findings of the Gen. Salim Saleh investigation into the crash of three choppers in Mount Kenya.

Col. Kulaigye, who is now the entire force’s spokesperson—not a mean post—and was also bred from the same force, attempted to refute claims of the SFC being a breeding ground for UPDF leaders. “Special Forces soldiers undertake specialised training, when I was there I undertook that training and most of the people have undertaken it,” he said.

In many remote areas, development arrives at a stage when further progress becomes dependant on larger infrastructure issues, such as roads, telecommunications and electric power. In Uganda, for example, only five percent of the population has access to electricity. Rural electrification and the creation of electricity-generating plants then become vital to progress.

In Uganda, the Aga Khan Fund for Economic Development (AKFED) has brought together local and international partners to invest in the US$ 860 million Bujagali Hydroelectric Power Project, the country’s first private hydroelectric power project, which has a capacity of 250 megawatts. Successfully commissioned in 2012, it substantially increased the country’s installed capacity for renewable energy production. AKFED has also promoted the West Nile Rural Electrification Company (WENRECO) in North West Uganda, to test the viability of private sector financial models for the generation, transmission and distribution of affordable renewable energy to rural areas through a localized grid. WENRECO has commissioned the 3.5 megawatt mini-hydro facility on the river Nyagak, doubling electricity generating capacity in a rural area occupied by over 1.4 million people.
Some Information about The Aga Khan.

Jinja, Uganda, 21 August 2007 - Uganda's President His Excellency Yoweri Kaguta Museveni today laid the foundation stone for the US$ 770 million Bujagali Hydroelectric Power Project, in the presence of His Highness the Aga Khan. The country's first private hydroelectric power project, is expected to significantly lower the price of electricity in Uganda. It is one of the largest independent power plants in sub-Saharan Africa and is will be commissioned by the end of 2010. 

The link:
Laying the foundation stone for Bujagali

Museveni commissions Bujagali dam 
Publish Date: Oct 08, 2012
Museveni commissions Bujagali dam
A cultural group entertains guests. 
Photo by Donald Kirya
By Vision Reporter

President Yoweri Museveni has criticized African past leaders and intellectuals for neglecting the energy sector a crucial tool for social transformation and modernization.
"One of the mistakes made by Africa's past leaders and intellectuals was to neglect the energy sector," Museveni made the remark while commissioning the Bujagali Hydropower project, a 250-megawatt power plant on River Nile.
The President said most African countries would now be modern economies if their past laeders had invested in power generation.

President Museveni (L) being welcomed by Energy Minister Irene Muloni (4th R) at the commissioning ceremony of Bujagali Hydro Power project in Buikwe on Monday. Looking on is Lands Minister Daudi Migereko (3rd R).  Photo by Donald Kiirya

He assured Ugandans that upon completion of the last phase of the Bujagalai project, the country will not experience powers cuts again.

Some Heads of State who are in the country for the 50th Independence anniversary are also attending the function.

President Museveni greets His Highness Aga Khan at the launch of the Bujagali dam Monday afternoon.

Photo by Matthias Mugisha

Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga, Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi, ministers, MPs and members of the business community among others are present.

The multi-million dollar Bujagali hydropower project adds another 250MW onto the national grid for consumption.

Consumers will not experience load-shedding at any time as power deficit has been wiped out, at least for 24 months.

Museveni (in beret) moves to switch on the power at Bujagali Hydro power station.

The $860m Bujagali hydro-power project was commissioned, unit by unit, in response to energy ministry’s strategic decision to replace the expensive thermal power generation at the earliest date and minimize load-shedding.

The move was aimed at saving the money that was used to pay the expensive thermal power operations. The level of subsidy (payment for thermal power) had reached unsustainable levels and the cumulative amount of subsidy paid out was sh1.5 trillion.



Horse-racing enthusiast, the Aga Khan (second from left), is spiritual leader to millions of Ismaili Muslims

By Farangis Najibullah

 August 24, 2012

Who are the Aga Khan's followers?

 The Aga Khan, whose full title is His Highness Prince Karim Aga Khan IV, is the current Imam of Ismaili Muslims.

 He has an estimated 15 million followers in more than 25 countries.

 Most Ismailis – also known also Nizari Ismailis – live in African and Asian countries, including Pakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Iran. There are also sizeable communities in the United States, Canada, and Britain.

 The 75-year-old Aga Khan, who is believed to be a direct descendant of Islam's Prophet Muhammad, is the 49th Imam or spiritual leader of the Ismailis.

Where do his royal titles come from?

 Ismaili Imams style themselves and family members as princes and princesses – a title the family inherited from their royal ancestor, Fath Ali Shah, an 18-century Persian king.

 The title has officially been recognized by the British government.  The title "His Highness" was bestowed upon the current Aga Khan by Britain's Queen Elizabeth in 1957, when he succeeded his grandfather at the age of 20. He is a British citizen.

 The Aga Khan's "Highness" title is not hereditary.

 The family does not preside over any country or geographic territory.

What is the Aga Khan's source of income?

 "Forbes" magazine lists the Aga Khan among the world's ten richest royals with an estimated net worth of $800 million. Other sources estimate his wealth at around $3 billion.

 Most of his wealth comes from tithes or voluntary cash donations by Ismaili community members. Ismaili followers reportedly donate at least 10 percent of their gross annual income to the spiritual leader.

 But it remains unclear whether the Imam personally benefits from the donations. Aga Khan supporters say most of the money goes to his extensive philanthropy, development, education, and charity projects in developing countries, especially those with large Ismaili communities.

 The Aga Khan has reportedly been involved in different business ventures, including exclusive hotel chains.

 A multi-million-dollar horse-racing and breeding operation is believed to be one of the main sources of the Aga Khan's income beyond donations by his followers. He owns horse-breeding farms in France and Ireland.

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