Title: | The causes of rural poverty in Uganda: A Case Study of Wakiso Sub County, Wakiso District. |
Authors: | Kasule, Twaha Ahmed |
Issue Date: | Dec-2005 |
Abstract: | The problem of rural poverty in Uganda has persisted despite the various efforts by the government to alleviate it and its continued existence has impacted negatively on the overall development efforts in the country. This study sought to investigate the causes of rural poverty in Uganda, with a specific focus on Wakiso Sub-County found in the central part of the country. The results from this study have confirmed the observed phenomenon of a high level of rural poverty in Uganda. The most significant causes were found to be; large size of households, low education levels attained by the household heads, low asset holdings and insufficient expenditure on essential needs of life. It was recommended that greater attention should be focused on the provision of education to the poor, greater support for alternative income generating activities and encouraging the population to control the sizes of their families. Other recommendations included the provision of low rate credit facilities and encouraging the poor to diversify their asset holding. |
MY CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCE
Namutamba was the darling
of many; an extremely beautiful environment with many very friendly and
brotherly, and there was remarkable progress. The situation has since changed. The genesis of the Glory of Namutamba Parish
within Mubende district of Uganda; which may better be termed as the cradle of
civilization in Uganda was by the Lea Wilson family. These managed Namutamba tea Estate and Dairy
Farm.
The Lea Wilson's
Namutamba Tea Estate
The family managed to get some
workers from Rwanda as well. They
started a primary school which later came to be known as Namutamba Demonstration. However, at the height of insecurity in 1972,
Lea Wilson decided to live Uganda, and that marked the beginning of the decline
of the Estate. Today, the estate is
almost history. However, it is true that
the workers were able to survive from the salaries and wages they got from the
estate and today, some children of these are enjoying fairly god positions
after the education the children were afforded.
WHAT IS WRONG WITH
STRATEGIES OF DONORS TODAY?
It looks like donors
across the board in Uganda are simply rewarding some of those holding big
offices with connections to governance.
Billions of shillings are given to help Government anti poverty
strategies, unfortunately, when one gets to the rural areas, in many instances,
it is like this money has never been disbursed.
Many people are in offices but have the poverty mind and primitive
accumulation is the way. You find a guy
buying an arcade in town and you wonder where he/she gets the money from. The fact is there is a lot of paper work but
money is stolen at the end of the day. Refer to just a few of the corruption stories below.
WHAT WAY FORWARD?
Donors or Foreign
Governments with interest in Uganda should get to reach the people. They should have connections to identify what
a specific community needs. Forwards and
backwards linkages should be identified as the way forward in helping enhance
development. A case in point is when we
take Namutamba Parish; here people have cattle but it is not productive in
economic terms. They need to be taught
how to improve their herds and where possible helped with some loan facilities,
in the meantime, infrastructure to process their milk can be organized. When enterprises of the nature are identified
and the donors involved, their money will eventually see the people of Uganda
out of poverty, not donations to Government much of which is subject to being
stolen and diverted!
It is surprising that the cattle farmers at Namutamba are yet to get modern. Through the 1970’s to date one sees the cattle keepers at Kyetume using traditional methods. The fencing using natural trees which exploit the soil are the norm. Why are we not having trees which are food for cattle? Why don’t we have fewer cattle and emphasize quality vis a vis quantity? Why don’t we see farmers practice zero grazing for their cattle?
Strategy number one should be to
see improved breeds of cattle. This can be done when we get in touch
with Dr. Ssemambo at Entebbe Breeding Centre. With cattle which can
give our farmers greater milk, these farmers will surely be in business.
Dr. Ssemambo is on telephone number: +256772421469 and surely a
strategy can be got by which he can ably send staff from his office to
artificially inseminate cattle of the people of Namutamba.
These farmers should have water harvesting strategies so that much of the would be run off is collected, and even in gardens we should see that our people gather water that can irrigate their gardens. Given the dry season experience, the people of Namutamba should venture into strategies to make hay so that even when it gets dry, there is means to provide for the cattle.
The cattle keepers should ensure that the cattle get the right veterinary services. At this point in time it is bad news if our cattle keepers can have cattle which has ticks.
Below are some of the Cattle Management Strategies that can boost productivity
NAMUTAMBA
PARISH DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY COULD HAVE THE FOLLOWING COMPONENTS:
1. Easing of transport to and fro Mityana. Currently, if one misses the very early vehicles to Mityana, he/she has to hire a commercial motor cyclist for 12 or more miles at the cost of shs 7,000. This means that there should be improved taxi availability so that people are sure of getting a taxi to and fro Mityana at anytime they wish to travel;
1. Easing of transport to and fro Mityana. Currently, if one misses the very early vehicles to Mityana, he/she has to hire a commercial motor cyclist for 12 or more miles at the cost of shs 7,000. This means that there should be improved taxi availability so that people are sure of getting a taxi to and fro Mityana at anytime they wish to travel;
2. There is need to use a better health facility as a magnet to attract people to be party to the innovations that may eventually change them, this, to offer services at highly discounted rates is in the right direction and also offer a number of services including maternity, antenatal, laboratory, admissions and a full time doctor and other specialized medical personnel. People to be encouraged to have savings with the facility and also be allowed to get treatment on credit or even pay in kind using what they produce in their gardens may all go a long way in promoting the health facility;
3. Conducting a baseline survey to bring out the people’s ills and endeavouring to cater for them can go along way in easing the lives of the people at Namutamba. These may include:
i. Availing a Filling station in close vicinity. Currently, those with vehicles can only fill from Mityana!
ii. The mobile money facility calls for going to Mityana to cash or even to send. Getting these services to the people is critical and very time saving;
iii. There are a variety of goods which people have to buy from Mityana yet they would buy them from some big shop around in the area and save, this calls for opening up such a shop with a hardware component;
iv. Setting up a collecting centre for merchandize which may be taken to market in Mityana or beyond;
4. There is need to set up an NGO arrangement to oversee most of the community mobilization in the area this may undertake among other things:
a) Encourage the formation of single sex Self Help Groups (SHGs) as a vehicle to enhance the savings culture among the people and the working in group arrangement for their betterment;
b) Help with better innovations, for example the area has many cattle keepers who need to move from quantity of animals kept to quality as well as undertake zero – grazing;
c) The NGO may be able to encourage innovations which may help farmers to grow in bigger quantities and hence get means to process so as to get a bigger margin from their products;
d) There is poor agricultural undertaking. Better soil management as well as enterprise management can help the poor people move away from the misery they are currently in;
5. There is need to work on the roads. The road from Mityana gets bad when one starts climbing Namutamba Hill after Bakijjulula. If there is away this road can be worked on, chances are that greater economic activity will be undertaken.
My contact:
William Kituuka Kiwanuka
P. O. Box 2678,
Kampala,
UGANDA.
Email: wkituuka@gmail.com
My other works can be accessed on the following links:
http://williamkituuka.blogspot.com/
http://www.jckiwanuka.blogspot.com/
http://www.stmaryscollegekisubi.blogspot.com/
http://www.kisubibrothersuniversitycollegem.blogspot.com/
http://www.smackoldboysmagazine.blogspot.com/
http://www.anthonykyemwa.blogspot.com/
http://www.stpeterschurchofugandassisa.blogspot.com/
http://thegloryofnamutamba.blogspot.com/
http://www.namutambademschool.webs.com/
http://www.namutambanurseryschool.webs.com/
High-profile corruption scandals registered under NRM
By FAUSTIN MUGABE
Posted Sunday, February 24 2013 at 02:00
Posted Sunday, February 24 2013 at 02:00
In Summary
Age-old vice. As the country grapples with
increasing cases of corruption, where billions of shillings have been
lost to mainly government the Sunday Monitor brings some of the most
high-ranking cases of corruption since President Museveni took control
of the country in 1986.
Recent scandals at the Office of the Prime
Minister and Public Service have put the ruling party in the spotlight,
even with President Museveni advocating for zero-tolerance to
corruption. Suspects are still under investigation, with a single
convict yet to be sentenced.
However, the individuals under investigation are
still innocent until proven guilty. But this does not erase the fact
that billions of money were siphoned to private accounts.
But before we delve into the first cases of
corruption investigate under the NRM government, it is import to note
that the same vice in Uganda is as old as the country.
In 1900, the British Commissioner to Uganda, Sir
Harry Johnston, bribed Apollo Kagwa with 100 cows to sign the famous
March 10, 1900 Uganda agreement. In his book: Uganda Protectorate Vol I,
Johnston said: “I had promised to give Regent Kagwa 100 cattle if he
appended his signature on the agreement.”
It was partly this bribe that later led Kagwa to
resign in 1926. The Musale newspaper of April 1932 also wrote of how
Kagwa was bribed to append his signature on the agreement, though he was
reluctant. The discussions which led to the signing of the agreement
had stalled for three months.
Thus the moral decadency has been growing since 1900.
Enter the NRM
When the National Resistance Movement (NRM) came into power, the situation was not any better. In fact, in 1986, NRM found corruption and abuse of office at its highest. About one month in power, the government faced the first saga involving a civil servant.
When the National Resistance Movement (NRM) came into power, the situation was not any better. In fact, in 1986, NRM found corruption and abuse of office at its highest. About one month in power, the government faced the first saga involving a civil servant.
On February 24, 1986, the General Manager of the
now defunct Uganda Airline, Dr Ben Ochola Latigo, ordered the recall of a
plane which had been airborne more than 30 minutes back to the ground.
The plane was destined for Dubai in the United Emirates when it was
recalled back to Entebbe airport. The scandal was widely covered by
local and international media.
Dr Latigo ordered the recall of flight No: QU 172
which had left him as he was on his way from Kampala to Karachi.
Pakistan. He arrived at Entebbe airport more than 30 minutes after the
plane had left. Some airport and Uganda airlines workers told the press.
His action attracted bitter criticism from the
government as well as the public. In an attempt to do damage control, he
issued a press release in which he defended his action. In the press
release he said that he ordered the recall because he had the powers to
do so, besides, him and other senior officials were destined to Pakistan
for an official negotiation with the Pakistan International Airlines
which were to lease two B707 engines to the Uganda Airlines.
The plane was said to have had more than 20
passengers, but the Airlines spokesperson said that there were only
seven passengers, and five crew members.
Popular pressure to have Dr Latigo arrested flared
and he was arrested on the Uganda-Kenya border as he attempted to enter
Kenya. On March 7, 1986, he was produced before court in Kampala. He
was represented by Advocate Henry Kayondo and was granted a court bail
of Shs300,000 cash. Although he later won the case, the government
instituted a commission of inquiry into the mismanagement of the Uganda
Airlines which was the first ever by the NRM government to check
corruption in Uganda.
The commission discovered that Latigo owned TEKDEL
INTERNATIONAL LTD which hired two Mercedes-Benz Cars number UWW 555 and
UWY 762 to Uganda Airlines at Shs95,000 per day. As such, the Airlines
owed him millions of money the commission heard. Latigo was appointed
manager in December 1985 by the military junta under Tito Okello Lutwa.
He replaced Colonel Wilson Gadi Toko who was the vice chairman of the
military council.While Latigo’s scandal was the first recorded
under the NRM, it was not the biggest corruption saga in which millions
of public money was swindled in the earliest days of the regime. The
biggest theft scandal was discovered in July 1987 when Nathan Bisamunyu,
the General manager of the Uganda Industrial Machinery Ltd (UIM)
connived with and his acting chief accountant, Joseph Watson Wasswa, and
siphoned Shs760 million from the parastatal. The Criminal
Investigations Department (CID now CIID) swung into action and the two
were apprehended by police in Kampala, recorded a criminal case No:
1150/87 against the two.
The case was later politicized as it dragged on.
The Inspector General of Government, Mr Augustine Ruzindana, instituted
an investigation which discovered overwhelming evidence. Meanwhile, the
two were out on court bail as the case dragged on. Because Bisamunyu
was from a prominent family in Kabale, there were allegations that he
was being protected by NRM stalwarts and minister from the region.
On September 11, 1989, police detective Okot
Safarino who was in charge of investigations wrote to the minister of
Justice and Attorney general, Prof. George Kanyeihamba, expressing
dissatisfaction about irregularities in the case. The letter leaked to
the press. In the same month, Peter Kabatsi, the Director of Public
Prosecution (DPP) withdraw the case against the accused.
Salim Saleh
Brother to President Museveni, now Presidential adviser
UCB sale scandal (1998). Parliament stopped the sale of 49 per cent shares of the Uganda Commercial Bank, then the biggest bank in the country and entirely government-owned, to a Malaysian company. Then Maj. Gen. Salim Saleh resigned as defence adviser, after admitting a role in brokering the deal with Westmont Land Asia, the successful bidder, which had been found to be a “briefcase company” with no banking experience. Gen. Saleh was later alleged to be the majority shareholder in Westmont and soon after the purchase, he sold its shares to Green Land Investments, another company in which he was also a shareholder. In his defence before Chief Magistrate Catherine Bamugemereire over the mismanagement of the now defunct Greenland Bank, Sulaiman Kiggundu, who was the bank’s managing director, named President Museveni as the “key person” behind the irregular purchase of the UCB shares by Greenland Bank.
Kahinda Otafiire,
Currently Justice Minister
Congo plunder. The International Court of Justice sitting in The Hague in 2005, found Uganda guilty of violating the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of Congo, plundering its natural resources and orchestrating human rights abuses when it sent its troops between 1997 and 2003. The court accordingly slapped a whopping $10b fine on Uganda. The government said it had sent soldiers over to Congo to pursue Allied Democratic Forces rebels who were terrorising parts of western Uganda, but some of the top commanders, including Gen. Salim Saleh and Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, were accused of plundering Congo’s resources.
Alex Kamugisha
Former junior Health minister
Global Fund Scandal (2005). Billions meant to aid the anti-HIV/Aids effort went to organisations that did not exist, some into the personal bank accounts of top officials and some allegedly to finance the campaign to lift presidential term limits and other dubious activities, a commission of inquiry chaired by Justice James Ogoola found out. The scandal unfolded in a newly founded entity within the Ministry of Health known as the Project Management Unit (PMU) which was in charge of disbursing $47m to about 400 NGOs. At the end, some $37m remained unaccounted for. The money came from the Geneva-based Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis. The organisation had suspended a $200m grant to Uganda citing misuse, prompting Mr Museveni to set up the commission of inquiry. Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi was as a result sacked as minister of health, together with his two state ministers, Dr Alex Kamugisha and Capt. Mike Mukula. The commission ordered for the refund of the money and some of it was recovered from the individuals implicated.
Mike Mukula, Alice Kaboyo
Former Junior Health Minister and former aide to President Museveni respectively
Gavi Funds scandal (2007). Some Shs1.89b meant for immunising children against killer diseases from the Alliance for Vaccine and Immunisation (GAVI) was lost through fraudulent procurement and other means. Capt. Mike Mukula, one of the former state ministers of health, is currently serving a four-year jail term over the misuse of Shs240m from the project. In his defence, Mukula said part of the money was requested for and sent to the office of First Lady, Janet Museveni. Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi, the former minister of health, and his other former deputy Dr Alex Kamugisha, were acquitted by the Anti-Corruption Court, which also found Alice Kaboyo, a former aide in the president’s office, guilty of misusing part of the funds. Ms Kaboyo paid a fine. On the donors’ insistence, some of the money was refunded by the implicated officials.
Amama Mbabazi,
Current Prime Minister
NSSF-Temangalo land scandal (2008).
Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi, then security minister, was in the eye of the storm when the National Social Security Fund bought land he jointly owned with businessman Amos Nzei in Temangalo. The duo, together with Dr Ezra Suruma who was minister of finance which supervised NSSF, owned the now defunct National Bank of Commerce in which the money from the land deal was supposedly invested. A parliamentary probe report recommended action against Mr Mbabazi and Mr Suruma over conflict of interest but a committee of the whole house later quashed the report. The land, said to total 411.44 acres, was bought at Shs 11.2 billion (Shs24 million per acre). Much of the query was on the criteria used by NSSF to procure the land and whether savers got value for money.
Gilbert Bukenya
Chogm scandal (2007). Much of the money meant for organising the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (Chogm) was allegedly stolen. The luxurious BMW vehicles and outrider motorcycles used by visiting dignitaries were said to have been fraudulently procured. Former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya, who chaired the Cabinet select committee that organised the meeting, was unsuccessfully prosecuted over the procurement of the motorcycles. Foreign Affairs Minister Sam Kutesa and then Works Minister John Nasasira were also among the officials accused of mismanaging the process. It is estimated that over Shs200b was lost.
The Santana vehicle saga was perhaps the worst corruption case
in the NRM government before 1990. In 1988, the Uganda government
wanted to purchase transport vehicles for the President’s office and the
ministry of Defence. Grace Ibingira former minister in the independence
government who was now the Spanish Counsel to Uganda brokered the
barter deal with Spain and Uganda; the former would exchange
‘Land-rover’ vehicles for the latter’s coffee.
Ibingira had convinced the government that the
Spanish-made ‘Land-rovers’ were as good as the British-made Land-rover.
Alas! Once here, it was realised that the vehicles were not Land-rovers
but Santana. Though they looked like Land-rover, they were smaller,
weaker, and unstable on the road and its fuel consumption was twice as
much as that of the Land-rover.
However, in mid-1988 when Balaki Kirya, minister
of state in office of the President in charge of security went to Spain
to sign an agreement, he found 260 Santana ‘Land-rovers’ valued at $6.1
million had already been shipped while the agents/lobbyists were
negotiating for the importation of another 260 ‘Land-rovers’ now valued
at $8 million.
The saga leaked to the press. The Weekly Topic of
May 3, 1989 had a lead story: ‘Old schemers at their game again, STOP
MISUSING PRESIDENT OFFICE’. When contacted, officials from the National
Treasury said the purchase was done without the knowledge of the Bank of
Uganda (BoU).
However, from the BoU archives, on April 8, 1988, a memorandum on the foreign exchange position, by the governor indicated among other payments to be made in the year was for the 260 Land-rovers from Spain for the President’s office and 600 Land-rovers for the ministry of Defence as well as the army uniform from Spain.
However, from the BoU archives, on April 8, 1988, a memorandum on the foreign exchange position, by the governor indicated among other payments to be made in the year was for the 260 Land-rovers from Spain for the President’s office and 600 Land-rovers for the ministry of Defence as well as the army uniform from Spain.
Dr. Kizza Besigye once said: “You cannot accuse
the NRM government of corruption because, when we came, we found a
corrupt society and we are dealing with the same people.” The Monitor
newspaper of December 9-12, 1994 quoted him during an exclusive
interview.
From the critics of the government today,
especially those who were a party before departure claim that then in
NRM, corruption was abomination. Incidentally, facts detest that claim.
In fact, the war against corruption seems to be eliminating heavier and
more victims than ever before.
Jim Muhwezi,
He was once Education, and Health minister
Muhwezi, Kutesa censured (1998). Then Brig. Jim Muhwezi, the minister of education, was forced to resign by the Sixth Parliament due to alleged mismanagement of the then newly-established Universal Primary Education. The Sixth Parliament, reputed as probably the most independent and vibrant during Mr Museveni’s presidency, also forced Mr Sam Kuteesa to resign, accusing him of benefitting from the sale of the former Uganda Airlines. The two, who were forced to resign over alleged abuse of office, were never prosecuted and bounced back into Cabinet in 2001, when Mr Museveni was re-elected. The government took the view that their censure was “unfair”. Muhwezi, particularly argued further that by having stayed off Cabinet for years, he had been punished enough. Later, he was again dropped from Cabinet over the Global Fund scandal.
He was once Education, and Health minister
Muhwezi, Kutesa censured (1998). Then Brig. Jim Muhwezi, the minister of education, was forced to resign by the Sixth Parliament due to alleged mismanagement of the then newly-established Universal Primary Education. The Sixth Parliament, reputed as probably the most independent and vibrant during Mr Museveni’s presidency, also forced Mr Sam Kuteesa to resign, accusing him of benefitting from the sale of the former Uganda Airlines. The two, who were forced to resign over alleged abuse of office, were never prosecuted and bounced back into Cabinet in 2001, when Mr Museveni was re-elected. The government took the view that their censure was “unfair”. Muhwezi, particularly argued further that by having stayed off Cabinet for years, he had been punished enough. Later, he was again dropped from Cabinet over the Global Fund scandal.
Valley Dam Scandal (2003). Shs3.5 billion
meant to build valley dams to trap water in the semi-arid areas of
eastern Uganda disappeared with no visible valley dams to show for it.
It became the talk of town that Dr Specioza Kazibwe, whose Agriculture
ministry was supposed to supervise the dam construction, said the valley
dams had been built but those who did not want to see them did not see
them.
Salim Saleh
Brother to President Museveni, now Presidential adviser
UCB sale scandal (1998). Parliament stopped the sale of 49 per cent shares of the Uganda Commercial Bank, then the biggest bank in the country and entirely government-owned, to a Malaysian company. Then Maj. Gen. Salim Saleh resigned as defence adviser, after admitting a role in brokering the deal with Westmont Land Asia, the successful bidder, which had been found to be a “briefcase company” with no banking experience. Gen. Saleh was later alleged to be the majority shareholder in Westmont and soon after the purchase, he sold its shares to Green Land Investments, another company in which he was also a shareholder. In his defence before Chief Magistrate Catherine Bamugemereire over the mismanagement of the now defunct Greenland Bank, Sulaiman Kiggundu, who was the bank’s managing director, named President Museveni as the “key person” behind the irregular purchase of the UCB shares by Greenland Bank.
Emma Katto,
Formerly rally - car driver
UPDF procurement scandals of the 1990s. During the 1990s, the army was involved in a number of procurement scandals. Undersize uniforms from China, not-up-to-standard food rations from South Africa and 90 second-hand tanks, several unserviceable, from Belarus, were procured. But probably the most famous of the scandals was what came to be known as the junk helicopter scandal, in which two out of four unserviceable Mi-24 helicopters were procured. Four of the MiGs were modified in Israel and delivered in the country but two of them could not fly. The deal to supply the helicopters, which was brokered by Emma Katto, then a race-car driver, was aided by Gen. Salim Saleh, who convinced President Museveni to okay the deal. Gen. Saleh was as a result to bag a commission of $200,000 off each of the four helicopters. He would later tell a commission of inquiry into the matter in 2001 that he had informed the President of the “commission” he had been promised and Mr Museveni had allowed him to use it in the war against Joseph Kony’s rebels in northern Uganda.
Formerly rally - car driver
UPDF procurement scandals of the 1990s. During the 1990s, the army was involved in a number of procurement scandals. Undersize uniforms from China, not-up-to-standard food rations from South Africa and 90 second-hand tanks, several unserviceable, from Belarus, were procured. But probably the most famous of the scandals was what came to be known as the junk helicopter scandal, in which two out of four unserviceable Mi-24 helicopters were procured. Four of the MiGs were modified in Israel and delivered in the country but two of them could not fly. The deal to supply the helicopters, which was brokered by Emma Katto, then a race-car driver, was aided by Gen. Salim Saleh, who convinced President Museveni to okay the deal. Gen. Saleh was as a result to bag a commission of $200,000 off each of the four helicopters. He would later tell a commission of inquiry into the matter in 2001 that he had informed the President of the “commission” he had been promised and Mr Museveni had allowed him to use it in the war against Joseph Kony’s rebels in northern Uganda.
Kahinda Otafiire,
Currently Justice Minister
Congo plunder. The International Court of Justice sitting in The Hague in 2005, found Uganda guilty of violating the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of Congo, plundering its natural resources and orchestrating human rights abuses when it sent its troops between 1997 and 2003. The court accordingly slapped a whopping $10b fine on Uganda. The government said it had sent soldiers over to Congo to pursue Allied Democratic Forces rebels who were terrorising parts of western Uganda, but some of the top commanders, including Gen. Salim Saleh and Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, were accused of plundering Congo’s resources.
Capt. Byakutaaga runs off with millions. In 2000, UPDF
paymaster Capt. Dan Byakutaga allegedly disappeared with Shs1.9b meant
for soldier’s salaries. Ministry of Defence officials at some point told
Parliament that they had asked Interpol to help with the search for
Capt. Byakutaga but he has never been found. President Museveni, himself
once hinted that he knew where Capt. Byakutaga was and Major General
James Kazini, who has since died but was army commander then, kept
remarking optimistically about Capt. Byakutaga showing up one day to
“spill the beans”. Suspicion that top military officials could have
stolen the money and used Capt. Byakutaga as cover still lingers.
Alex Kamugisha
Former junior Health minister
Global Fund Scandal (2005). Billions meant to aid the anti-HIV/Aids effort went to organisations that did not exist, some into the personal bank accounts of top officials and some allegedly to finance the campaign to lift presidential term limits and other dubious activities, a commission of inquiry chaired by Justice James Ogoola found out. The scandal unfolded in a newly founded entity within the Ministry of Health known as the Project Management Unit (PMU) which was in charge of disbursing $47m to about 400 NGOs. At the end, some $37m remained unaccounted for. The money came from the Geneva-based Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis. The organisation had suspended a $200m grant to Uganda citing misuse, prompting Mr Museveni to set up the commission of inquiry. Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi was as a result sacked as minister of health, together with his two state ministers, Dr Alex Kamugisha and Capt. Mike Mukula. The commission ordered for the refund of the money and some of it was recovered from the individuals implicated.
Mike Mukula, Alice Kaboyo
Former Junior Health Minister and former aide to President Museveni respectively
Gavi Funds scandal (2007). Some Shs1.89b meant for immunising children against killer diseases from the Alliance for Vaccine and Immunisation (GAVI) was lost through fraudulent procurement and other means. Capt. Mike Mukula, one of the former state ministers of health, is currently serving a four-year jail term over the misuse of Shs240m from the project. In his defence, Mukula said part of the money was requested for and sent to the office of First Lady, Janet Museveni. Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi, the former minister of health, and his other former deputy Dr Alex Kamugisha, were acquitted by the Anti-Corruption Court, which also found Alice Kaboyo, a former aide in the president’s office, guilty of misusing part of the funds. Ms Kaboyo paid a fine. On the donors’ insistence, some of the money was refunded by the implicated officials.
Amama Mbabazi,
Current Prime Minister
NSSF-Temangalo land scandal (2008).
Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi, then security minister, was in the eye of the storm when the National Social Security Fund bought land he jointly owned with businessman Amos Nzei in Temangalo. The duo, together with Dr Ezra Suruma who was minister of finance which supervised NSSF, owned the now defunct National Bank of Commerce in which the money from the land deal was supposedly invested. A parliamentary probe report recommended action against Mr Mbabazi and Mr Suruma over conflict of interest but a committee of the whole house later quashed the report. The land, said to total 411.44 acres, was bought at Shs 11.2 billion (Shs24 million per acre). Much of the query was on the criteria used by NSSF to procure the land and whether savers got value for money.
Gilbert Bukenya
Chogm scandal (2007). Much of the money meant for organising the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (Chogm) was allegedly stolen. The luxurious BMW vehicles and outrider motorcycles used by visiting dignitaries were said to have been fraudulently procured. Former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya, who chaired the Cabinet select committee that organised the meeting, was unsuccessfully prosecuted over the procurement of the motorcycles. Foreign Affairs Minister Sam Kutesa and then Works Minister John Nasasira were also among the officials accused of mismanaging the process. It is estimated that over Shs200b was lost.
Compiled by Eriasa Mukiibi Sserunjogi
emukiibi@ug.nationmedia.com
Excerpts from:
For the political class of Uganda, there is limited moral outrage at
corruption. Corruption only makes sense when there is an opportunity to
score political points and win cheap popularity or fight petty
squabbles.
emukiibi@ug.nationmedia.com
Excerpts from:
Fighting Corruption in Uganda
The scandals in OPM and the Ministry of Public Service show a breakdown of the Government’s Financial Management System
Two
scandals were exposed in Uganda simultaneously as 2012 came to an end;
one in the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), the other in the Ministry
of Public Service. Since then, public anger and debate in the press
has focused on the theft in OPM with calls for the resignation of the
Permanent Secretary (PS), Pius Bigirimana.
Meanwhile,
there has been very little public debate on the theft in the Ministry
of Public Service. OPM lost Shs 60 billion in its theft. The Ministry of
Public Service lost Shs 340 billion to ghost pensioners. Although all
theft is bad, one would have expected our nation’s chattering class to
be more outraged about Public Service pensions than OPM. Why do we hear
only mummers about Public Service?
Thus, the
most titanic battles against corruption revolve around power. Opposition
politicians see it as an opportunity to discredit the sitting
government. NRM politicians see at as an opportunity to fight rivals in
internal struggles for power. Meanwhile there is little or no
independent activism whose aim is to separate partisan politics from the
problem at hand. This is perhaps the biggest challenge facing efforts
to fight corruption.
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